Showing posts with label Overseas NGO Law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Overseas NGO Law. Show all posts

Thursday, April 12, 2018

Resources for contextualizing recent developments in philanthropy and civil society

I'm proud to announce the release of a set of infographics, graphs, timelines, factsheets and FAQs that I developed with the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. You can find these resources on ICNL's website. The purpose of these resources is to help people understand the significance of recent developments in the philanthropy and civil society space in China. They are meant to complement a longer, more detailed China Philanthropy Law Report that I wrote and published with ICNL.





The idea behind these resources was to 1) provide context for the report, and 2) highlight the significance of the legal developments discussed in the report.

In terms of context, we wanted to provide a visual way to understand the universe of civil society actors affected by recent legislation, particularly for those unfamiliar with the Chinese civil society space. Thus one set of resources is a Universe of Chinese  and Overseas NGOs, and graphs showing the growth of Chinese NGOs since the 1990s.

Another part of the bigger picture is how these developments fit into the longer-term evolution of philanthropy and civil society, and its regulation, in China. Thus, another set of resources are two timelines, one a timeline on the rise of philanthropy and civil society in China, and another timeline on major developments in the regulations of philanthropy and civil society.



In highlighting the significance of the legal developments discussed in the ICNL report, we wanted to drive home how major legal developments starting in 2016 have substantially reshaped the philanthropy and civil society space in China. Thus, we developed three factsheets underlining major changes in the regulation of Chinese and Overseas NGOs after 2016.


Finally there are two sets of FAQs, one on the 2016 Charity Law and another on the 2016 Overseas NGO Law.

I hope these resources are useful for those who want to understand the importance of these very substantial changes that have taken place in the legal environment for philanthropy and civil society  in China over the past 2-3 years. Please share these resources if you think they would be helpful to others.


Monday, September 25, 2017

Progress as of August in Implementing the Overseas NGO Law


After a slow start, the Ministry of Public Security (MPS) and its provincial Public Security Bureaus (PSBs) seem to be finding their stride in implementing the Overseas NGO Law with the rate of registering representative offices and filing “temporary activities” quickening over the last few months. As of August 22, the MPS Overseas NGO Office website shows a total of 185 representative offices, of which around 88 (48%) were registered just in the last three months.  The representative offices were registered in around 20 of China’s 32 provincial-level units, with the highest number concentrated in Beijing, Shanghai, Yunnan and Guangdong. Because some NGOs have registered more than one representative office, the actual number of foreign NGOs that have registered in China is somewhat lower than 185. Most of these NGOs are from Hong Kong, the U.S., Japan, Germany and South Korea, and fall into two main groups: 1) NGOs and foundations working on development issues such as education, health, disaster relief, poverty alleviation and environment; and 2) business and trade associations. For the latest data and tables, see ChinaFile's terrific China NGO project.

The progress made in the last few months also shows that the MPS authorities have made some headway in getting PSUs to agree to sponsor foreign NGOs interested in registering a representative office. Finding a willing PSU has been a major stumbling block to registration in the past. NGOs such as the Nature Conservancy, Ford Foundation, Asia Foundation, Give2Asia, Environmental Defense Fund, and the Heinrich Boll Foundation, to mention some prominent examples, had been unable to register under the 2004 Foundation Management Regulations in large part because they were unable to find a willing PSU. Over the last few months, all of these NGOs have found a willing PSU and successfully registered. In some of the more challenging cases in which the NGO worked in multiple issue sectors, the MPS was able to bring in new PSUs that had not been on the original PSU directory to sponsor these NGOs. The most notable of these is the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) which is serving as the PSU for the Ford, Asia, Heinrich Boll, Konrad Adenauer and Rosa Luxemburg Foundations, as well as Give2Asia[i]

The MPS website also shows that foreign NGOs filed for 228 “temporary activities” with the large majority of these being filed in the last 4-5 months. Here again, some NGOs have filed for multiple temporary activities (Oxfam Hong Kong alone has filed for more than 30) so the actual number of NGOs that have filed successfully is well below 228. Most of these activities are being filed in the western and southern provinces of Sichuan, Guizhou, Guangdong and Yunnan followed by Shaanxi, Beijing, Gansu and Anhui. The NGOs filing these activities mostly come from Hong Kong, the U.S. and Germany. In contrast to NGO representative offices, which have been in both the trade/business and development sectors, the large majority of NGOs filing temporary activities work on development issues concentrated on youth, education, poverty alleviation, health, disaster relief, capacity building, environment, and disabilities.

There is of course still a great deal of work ahead for both the MPS and overseas NGOs. While the numbers of NGOs that have registered rep offices and filed "temporary activities" may look promising, they are far less than the actual number of overseas NGOs working in China which official sources estimate at around 7000. Given the amount of time required for MPS and provincial PSBs to create the infrastructure, coordinate with other relevant departments, and train staff, it should not be all that surprising that only a few hundred NGOs have succeeded. Finding willing PSUs remains a problem as only a handful of the eligible PSUs are sponsoring overseas NGOs. On the NGO side, some are in the process of preparing their paperwork, but an even larger number are simply playing a wait-and-see game and finding ways to work around the law. There is still a significant grey area for NGO operations. We'll see how much and how fast that will change after the 19th Party Congress in October.


[i] The CPAFFC was founded in 1954 as a national GONGO (government-organized NGO) specializing in foreign affairs. Over the years, it has cooperated with numerous NGOs, participated in civil society activities and acted as a catalyst for developing China’s relationship with the world. Since its establishment, CPAFFC has formed friendly relationships with over 500 non-governmental organizations from over 150 countries.]

Sunday, March 12, 2017

Putting the Overseas NGO Law in Perspective


There hasn't been much news since the announcements in January of 32 foreign NGOs registering in Shanghai, Beijing and Guangdong. In the meantime, several in-depth articles have appeared on the Overseas NGO Law and its implementation.

One article, The Origins of China's New Law on Foreign NGOs, was written by yours truly and was published in ChinaFile in early January as a more polished version of an earlier blogpost.

Another article, Overseas NGOs in China: Left in Legal Limbo, was published in the Diplomat in early March by Kristin Shi-Kupfer and Bertram Lang, two China experts, at the Mecator Institute for China Studies, a private think-tank based in Berlin.

Soon after, Jia Xijing, a well-respected expert on Chinese civil society at Tsinghua University's NGO Research Center and a strong supporter of an independent civil society in China, published a long, very detailed article, China's Implementation of the Overseas NGO Law, in the Southern Weekly (南方周某(the English-language and Chinese-language version of the article can be found on China Development Brief's website).

These articles are valuable because they give us some much needed perspective on how the law came to be, and its historical and political significance. This perspective is particularly important given the perception of mutual mistrust between the Chinese government and NGOs, and the lack of detailed information and guidance about the law's implementation from Chinese authorities. It's an environment ripe for misperception and misunderstanding, short-term thinking and behavior. Reports of foreign NGOs closing their offices and leaving China, Chinese NGO partners withdrawing from projects, and directives from local authorities seeking to implement the law in their jurisdictions, can easily lead NGOs to make judgements based on misinformation or misconceptions. The easy conclusion to draw is that a crackdown on NGOs in imminent. 

I think we should resist the temptation to draw that conclusion without first seeking more information and analysis, and to keep the long view in mind, which is why these articles serve an important purpose. The Overseas NGO Law does not mean the end of an independent civil society in China. It does mean another period of adaptation in which both foreign and Chinese NGOs will have to figure out how to operate in this new environment. Moreover, we should remember that the long view cuts both ways. It is not just about NGOs adapting, it is also about Chinese authorities adapting to the new law and finding a way to make it workable. As my article, and Professor Jia's, both point out, we need to remember that the law is part and parcel of a larger, ambitious, long-term project announced in the 4th Plenum in 2014 to build a socialist rule of law in China. This "rule of law" is not the rule of law that we know in liberal democracies; rather as various commentators note,[1] it is an instrument that Chinese leaders see as necessary if they want to reduce local government discretion, push through reforms and strengthen governance with the goal of maintaining sustainable growth and social stability. In other words, Chinese leaders will take the implementation of this law and other laws seriously because they see building a socialist rule of law as the path to a more prosperous, just and stable society.

To return to the challenges facing NGOs, my experience working with Chinese and foreign NGOs in China is that both are quite creative and persistent and as long as there are pressing social needs for their work, they will find ways to work through or around the NGO Law. When we hear of a foreign NGO closing its office, or a Chinese NGO partner declaring its withdrawal, we should not assume that is the end of the story. Or to put it another way, we should not, to paraphrase Mark Twain's words, greatly exaggerate their death.


[1] See Randall Peremboom, “Fly High the Banner of Socialist Rule of Law with Chinese Characteristics: What Does the 4th Plenum Decision Mean for Legal Reforms in China?,” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2519917, and Zachary Keck, “4th Plenum: Rule of Law with Chinese Characteristics,” The Diplomat, October 20, 2014, http://thediplomat.com/2014/10/4th-plenum-rule-of-law-with-chinese-characteristics/.

Sunday, September 11, 2016

Some Insights from a Q&A with the Ministry of Public Security on the Overseas NGO Law

I apologize for not posting as often as I would have liked over the past two months. I've been too busy trying to catch up on work after my summer vacation and was traveling quite a bit last month.

I thought I'd start my first post this month on the following summary of a recent Q&A session between the European Chamber of Commerce and the Foreign NGO Management Bureau of the Ministry of Public Security (MPS). The Q&A was sent to a listserve I participate in and appeared in the form of a newsletter dated August 10, 2016 from the international law firm Hogan Lovells.

It's now less than four months before the law goes into effect and so far we have had very little information from the MPS regarding the law, so this Q&A is important because it provides us some initial indications from the MPS about how it understands the law.

Below is the text of the Q&A, after which I discuss my main takeaways.


China's New Law on Foreign NGOs: Q&A

Summary of Meeting with The Foreign NGO Management Bureau, Ministry of Public Security

The Ministry of Public Security (the “MPS”) recently held a question and answer session in Beijing with the European Chamber of Commerce, in order to address various questions about the new Foreign NGO Management Law (the “NGO Law”). The responses are only verbal interpretations by MPS, so they remain subject to change, but the information offers some perspective of the relevant Chinese regulators.


Q: When will implementing rules and guidance for the NGO Law become available?

A: The MPS Foreign NGOs Management Bureau currently is in the process of creating a foreign NGO registration administration guideline and a catalogue of professional supervisory units for foreign NGOs. Those two documents will serve as implementation guidelines for the NGO Law. MPS estimates that it will release those documents online around October 2016.


Q: As to the carve-out provision under Article 53 of the NGO Law (which appears to specifically carve out from the NGO Law cooperation between foreign and Chinese schools, hospitals, and academic organizations) does the Chinese counterpart need to be the same-type institution as the foreign party?

A: Yes. Article 53 of the NGO Law is intended to address exchange and cooperation between two organizations of the same type, e.g., foreign school to Chinese school, or foreign hospital to Chinese hospital. If not the same type, MPS may need to decide on a case-by-case basis.


Q: Will those WFOEs already set up by foreign NGOs in China be permitted to continue their operations in China under grandfather approval rules? Is a WFOE still a viable option for a foreign NGO to enter into China if it uses an overseas for-profit holding company?

A: For WFOEs set up by a for-profit corporation with a foreign NGO as the ultimate shareholder, they can continue in operation as long as they will do ordinary businesses as normal for-profit companies and comply with applicable law. They can donate their money or otherwise use their money for public interests or charity purposes in China. However, the WFOE cannot be used to solely carry out “NGO” activities on behalf of the foreign NGO to promote the mission of the foreign NGO.


Q: Is a foreign university that comes to China to recruit students required to comply with the NGO Law?

A: No. Foreign universities may engage in recruiting activities in China through overseas study agencies that have a license from the Ministry of Education (MOE). These activities are not subject to the NGO Law, as they are subject to MOE regulations.


Q: What types of for-profit activities carried out or sponsored by a foreign NGO will be forbidden under the NGO Law? Will foreign NGOs still be allowed to have income generated from activities in China?

A: The NGO Law prohibits foreign NGOs (including their representative offices registered in China) from engaging in or providing financial support to any for-profit activities. However, this doesn’t mean income is not allowed to foreign NGOs. Whether it is for-profit or not-for-profit is determined by the purpose. Foreign NGOs should not focus on earning a profit and providing dividends for shareholders/owners.

According to Article 36, foreign NGO representative offices may enjoy tax benefits in accordance with law. Also, Article 21 permits foreign NGOs to use “other funds legally acquired within China” for their activities in China. This means income or revenue is allowed as long as the foreign NGO keeps its not-for-profit nature, namely, will not distribute dividends or profit to its shareholders/owners. For example, it is permissible for a foreign NGO to charge a fee for providing services or licensing intellectual property rights to a Chinese party.


Q: For those representative offices/affiliates already established by foreign NGOs and registered with the Ministry of Civil Affairs (the “MOCA”) or the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (the “AIC”), will they still be acknowledged as legally existing under PRC law and permitted to continue their operation under a grandfather and/or transition rule?

A: The NGO Law will be effective on January 1, 2017. However, there will be a transition period for existing foreign NGOs that are registered with the MOCA or AIC to complete the process of transferring from the original registration authority to MPS by submitting certain supplemental documents, and for new foreign NGOs to apply for relevant certificates and go through relevant administrative process. MPS acknowledged the registration process may take some time after the effective date of the NGO Law.

The 29 foreign foundations that were previously registered with MOCA will be handed over to MPS and will be administered by MPS.


Q: Which MPS department at which level will be mainly in charge of the foreign NGO registration process?

A: The foreign NGO registration process will be administered by the Exit and Entry Administration Authority of provincial level service portals.


Q: Is it correct that after the NGO Law becomes effective, there will be only two paths for foreign NGOs to conduct activities in China?

A: Yes. There are only two ways for foreign NGOs to carry out activities in China under the NGO Law:

1. Establish a representative office for long-term activities with the approval of the Professional Supervisory Authority and registration with the MPS; or

2. Cooperate with a Chinese Partner for temporary activities, and have the Chinese Partner apply for an approval of the competent authority and file and record the temporary activities with the MPS.


Q: Are there any further guidance/requirements on temporary activities conducted by foreign NGOs and their Chinese Partners?

A: Foreign NGOs that have not established a representative office in mainland China to carry out temporary activities must cooperate with a Chinese Partner. There are only four types of Chinese Partners. They are government agencies, people’s organizations, public institutions, or social
organizations. Corporations and individuals cannot be Chinese Partners.


Q: What is the intent of the requirement for foreign NGOs to make filings on their proposed temporary activities?

A: The reporting requirement is not to set limitations on a NGO’s temporary activities, but mostly to record the overall status of activities for statistical purposes. When temporary activities (such as disaster relief) must be carried out in emergency situations, it is permissible to file after the activities. The filing process is not expected to become a barrier for serving a good cause.


Q: For foreign corporations doing corporate social responsibility activities in China, is it still possible for them to provide funding to Chinese entities in mainland China as a donation or grant?

A: A corporate foundation based outside China cannot give money directly to Chinese entities as a donation or granting, but instead may transfer funds to an affiliate corporation or contracting third-party corporation offshore and have that corporation fund its Chinese partner for charity activities.


Q: Can foreign NGOs do fundraising in China?

A: No. A foreign NGO cannot set up entities in China to do fundraising, whether public offering or private offering.


Q: Can foreign industry associations develop membership in China?


A: No. A foreign industry association cannot develop membership in China.


My Takeaways

1)  The Q&A tells us that the MPS has set up a special department, the Foreign NGO Management Bureau, to deal with the law. It does not tell us how many staff they are planning to hire, or whether there will be a similar office set up in the provincial Public Security departments.

2)  It appears that the MPS will not have implementing regulations out before the law goes into effect. Instead the MPS states it will provide a set of guidelines, and a list of qualified professional supervisory units for foreign NGOs thinking about registering a representative office. This announcement is not all that surprising. The Ministry of Civil Affairs (MCA) is only now coming out with implementing regulations for the Charity Law which went into effect September 1, 2016 and they have had a running start because they've been working on implementing guidelines for the last few years. Unlike MCA, the MPS has no experience managing NGOs and to my knowledge has not been working on implementing guidelines. Unlike the Charity Law which has been in the drafting phase for 10 years, the Overseas NGO Law came out quite suddenly and MPS may simply not have the expertise or staff to develop the necessary implementing regulations within a short period of time.

3) The response to the question about whether WFOEs set up by NGOs can continue under the current form is interesting because it appears the MPS is willing to be flexible and allow NGOs to continue operating in China as a representative office of a WFOE as long as "the WFOE cannot be used to solely carry out “NGO” activities on behalf of the foreign NGO to promote the mission of the foreign NGO." The wording here is strange and reflects in my opinion a misunderstanding of what NGOs or nonprofits are and do, but I won't get into that here. As I read this, the WFOE needs to be running some for-profit, commercial activities alongside its "NGO" activities to justify its WFOE form. What the MPS does not clarify here is whether the use of WFOEs will only be allowed for those NGOs that already had this type of arrangement prior to the law going into effect, or will it also allow NGOs to continue this practice after the law goes into effect? In any case, the WFOE arrangement may provide a possible alternative for NGOs that will be unable to find a willing professional supervisory unit and thus be unable to register a representative office. It's not clear, however, just how long the MPS will allow this WFOE arrangement. The MPS mentions a transition period for foreign NGOs that are already registered with MCA or with the Administration of Industry and Commerce (AIC) but doesn't specify how long that transition period will be.

4) For those NGOs thinking of carrying out "temporary activities," the Q&A confirms something that I had been wondering and that is the "filing a record" (bei'an) procedure is meant to inform the MPS about the "activities" and will not require an approval from the MPS. Of course, if the activity requires approvals from other government departments, then those approvals should be submitted as part of the record, but MPS itself does not have to approve the activity for it to proceed. And the MPS also confirms that a NGO's Chinese partner for the purpose of carrying out the "temporary activity" cannot be a corporation, although I still cannot figure out why they made that rule.

5) On the question of foreign corporations working on CSR projects with Chinese partners, this appears to be ok. The MPS person answering the question confuses a foreign corporation doing CSR with a corporate foundation which is a NGO. Many foreign corporations don't necessarily do CSR through their corporate foundation, but through their CSR department which would seem to be fine as long as the CSR department is part of the company which is for-profit and thus would not come under the law.

Friday, July 22, 2016

Kissinger Institute Webcast: Is China's Door Closing?

Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.
 
Until recently. The passage of China’s foreign NGO law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGO’s under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond?
Our panel discussed the future of American NGO’s, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers

- See more at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing#sthash.uHk5ZtC8.dpuf
Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.
 
Until recently. The passage of China’s foreign NGO law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGO’s under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond?
Our panel discussed the future of American NGO’s, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers

- See more at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing#sthash.uHk5ZtC8.dpuf

Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.
 
Until recently. The passage of China’s foreign NGO law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGO’s under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond?
Our panel discussed the future of American NGO’s, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers

- See more at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing#sthash.uHk5ZtC8.dpuf
Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.
 
Until recently. The passage of China’s foreign NGO law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGO’s under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond?
Our panel discussed the future of American NGO’s, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers

- See more at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing#sthash.uHk5ZtC8.dpuf
On June 28, I spoke in Washington D.C. on a panel at the Wilson Center's Kissinger Institute on China and the U.S. on the topic "Is China's Door Closing?" Below is an introduction to the panel and a link to the webcast of the panel which addresses whether China is closing its doors to foreign NGOs, businesses and media.

Is China's Door Closing?

Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.

Until recently. The passage of China’s Foreign NGO Law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGOs under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond? 

Our panel discussed the future of American NGOs, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
The event was webcast, and footage of the entire panel is available on our website at: 

https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing

Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers
Deputy Director, China Labour Bulletin
Senior Vice President, US-China Business Council
Asia Editor, Foreign Policy
Ever since Deng Xiaoping launched his reforms in 1978, "openness" (对外开放) has been a central tenet of Chinese policy. While the actual degree of China's openness has varied from time to time and sector to sector over the past 38 years, the trend toward greater liberalization of society, institutions, and the economy has been clear.
 
Until recently. The passage of China’s foreign NGO law raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s commitment to further opening and reform. The law, which places foreign NGO’s under the supervision of the Ministry of Public Security, is the latest in a series of regulations meant to control “hostile foreign forces.” Surveys indicate that foreign companies are concerned about tightening business regulations in China and wonder whether they are as welcome as they were in recent decades. International journalists and publishers, too, are finding it difficult to obtain visas and to reach Chinese audiences. Is China’s door closing to foreigners? Why are conditions changing for international actors in China? How should the United States respond?
Our panel discussed the future of American NGO’s, corporations, and media in Xi’s China.
Moderator: Robert Daly, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States

Speakers

- See more at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/chinas-door-closing#sthash.uHk5ZtC8.dpuf

Tuesday, June 14, 2016

An Exchange with Professor Carl Minzer on the Overseas NGO Law

(Note: I'll be going on vacation starting tomorrow for about two weeks, and hope to start posting again after I've recharged my batteries.)

I think those of us who work in and on China can always use more information and perspectives when it comes to the regulatory environment in China.  Going on this assumption, I’m going to try to publish questions that were raised in response to the Overseas NGO Law FAQs that I posted on May 1, and my responses to those questions.

The first of these series of Q&As is a conversation between me and Carl Minzer, a professor of law at Fordham University and an expert on Chinese law and governance.


Carl:

One question:

I noticed in your blog post that you translated one of the required elements for the “file documents” (bei'an) procedure (specifically, this one:
中方合作位批准的文件) as (e) "approval documents for the activity from the Chinese partner." Are we sure that's correct?

That English phrasing suggests that what is involved is simply the Chinese partner organization submitting the materials that it itself has signed: i.e., foreign NGO reaches agreement with Chinese entity for a one-time health-related program, the Chinese entity could submit the signature page of the document that the boss of the Chinese entity has signed off on, and be compliant.

a) Such an interpretation would essentially duplicate (b) -  the agreement between the INGO and the Chinese partner.  [Which suggests e) must have some other kind of meaning]

b) That language does not seem to precisely correspond with the (“obtaining”) element of the Chinese - which to my mind suggests some element of "external" approval - the Chinese partner must demonstrate that it has "obtained approval" for the activity in question.  I know it might seem like a small distinction (and the language itself is unclear), but I think it's a key one.  If the bei'an procedure is interpreted to be a totally "passive" one - just send in your materials, and you're OK, then I think it won't necessarily "chill" the broader range of activities.  Conversely, I think if it is interpreted to required a demonstration of "outside" approval of the activity (from who - I'm not sure - the PSB, Civil Affairs, someone yet higher up in the chain of command of the entity in question?), I think that's precisely the element that is likely to result in a "chilling" of a broader range of activities - precisely b/c many Chinese higher-ups will drag their feet, be unwilling to sign off on things.

Consequently, if people were going to focus on how this new law gets implemented, I'd point the finger squarely at that language as element numero uno to pay attention to.  People are going to freak out about all of the environmental orgs, or the rule of law groups, because those grab the headlines.  Or they're going to hold out hope that authority will be taken away from the MPS to manage this. But I kind of look at many of those as lost causes already - I think the determination of a much more hardline approach has already been made. And some people can at least point out to Chinese authorities that there are different ways to limit the collateral damage.


Shawn:

Hi Carl, I can always count on you for a close reading of the law.

I think that my translation is correct. Both of the unofficial translations from ChinaLawTranslate and China Development Brief translate it along those lines. I don’t read it to mean that these “approval documents” are the same as the agreement between the INGO and Chinese partner. They are something else, but what they are is really unclear. As you say, the devil is in the details.

Article 17 says that “the Chinese partner needs to go through approval procedures according to national regulations”
中方合作应当按照国家批手. But what kind of national regulations are they referring to?

Let’s take a workshop or training as an example of an activity. What kind of national regulations govern the holding of a workshop or training? I have no idea. There are national regs on assembly but only in outdoor areas, not indoor ones. It seems that your Chinese partner would need to get approval from the place where the workshop or training takes place, but I don’t see how this could involve approval from a higher authority if the workshop or training was taking place at a university, a hotel or even a restaurant. Are there any national regs governing activities in a hotel or restaurant? Wouldn’t it just require approval from the university department or school, or the hotel, or the restaurant? Of course, the fact that they have to get approval in the first place may spook the host institution, but it seems that this procedure may not be as hard as you suggest.

Of course, intention is important too, and if the intention behind the law is simply to get rid of the troublemakers, then we’re doomed. But my gut instinct tells me otherwise. Even if that is the intention of the top leaders, those intentions get easily diluted as the law makes its way down the hierarchy. Maybe I’ve been in China too long but I’m hoping - no betting - that the China I’ve known all these years isn’t going to change overnight.


Carl:

You know - this really raises an interesting tactical question going forward, one which I have no idea what the correct answer is.  I'd be curious to get your opinion on this, because this is literally something folks are talking about right now.

So the two of us have identified at least one area where the lack of clarity in the law could have significant implications.  If Article 17 is interpreted to require some kind of affirmative external approval of each "temporary activity", that's clearly going to be a practical barrier to a much greater range of programs. Conversely, if it's a passive requirement - just send in your documents to the PSB and let us know what you're doing - that's going to be less of a barrier.  As
you mention, the devil will be in the details.

So here's the tactical question: given that, what's the correct response from foreign organizations?  I can see two different possibilities.

The first is to go in and raise the issue loud and clear with (say, the State Council or PSB) - hey, what does this mean? Can you please clarify this in your implementing regulations?  I'm pretty sure that this is exactly the approach that a bunch of American lawyers in various general counsel offices are are likely to adopt.

Now, there's a risk to that: you might end up getting a more hardline interpretation.  And such an interpretation (once codified into law or regulation) would effectively tie the hands of lower authorities/limit the flexibility of some Gansu or Guangxi provincial or municipal bureau who might be inclined to wave their hands and say - oh, sure, go right ahead, it looks like we've got everything we need.

The second is the reverse - note the possibility of interpreting that language in different ways, and hold ones tongue. Perhaps raise the general idea of how important US-China exchanges are, how many US organizations will feel very uncomfortable about engaging in projects in China given the general nature of and lack of clarity of the law, and how bad it would be if the entire spectrum of them were disrupted. But avoid a narrow, technical focus on specific provisions that could potentially get interpreted in a negative way.

Which do you think would be most advisable?


Shawn:

Carl, your tactical question is an interesting one. My sense is this is going to be a complex give-and-take process between the PSB and INGOs, and that PSBs in some provinces will have a different approach than others in implementing and enforcing the bei’an process, so even though some sort of standard procedure will emerge, there will be local variations in how it’s carried out. Both sides though will be seeking to come up with a workable process which I have to believe will require negotiation, and not just the PSB or SC just laying down the law. I think this is one of those “crossing the river by feeling for stones” moments where the PSB is trying to do something they haven’t done before. In that spirit, I would advise INGOs to approach the process as a negotiation and not try to establish clear terms or demands at the outset. Instead, work on establishing some good will with the PSB and start a discussion on how the two sides can make this process work.

I had a chance to look at the 2010 Yunnan regulations for INGOs and it’s interesting because there, the bei’an process was used but it was worded as an application process in which the application for bei’an had to be approved. In the Overseas NGO Law there is no mention of an application process or approval, and yet I have to think the drafters knew about the Yunnan regs. To me this suggests one of two things. One is that they made a conscious decision not to copy this aspect of the Yunnan model and require an application and approval to streamline the process. The other is that they didn’t want to put this “small detail" into the law but intend to include it into the implementing regulations.



Saturday, June 11, 2016

2016: the Year of Regulation and a New Future for Civil Society?

Outside China, we look to the past as a guide to China’s future. Here in Hong Kong we continued the wonderful tradition of commemorating the 27th anniversary of the June 4 massacre in Tiananmen Square with the usual candlelight vigil in Victoria Park. In Taiwan, where the Democratic Progressive Party now controls the presidency and legislature, the Legislative Yuan commemorated June 4 for the first time. Memory is used in the service of keeping alive the dream of a democratic China. 

Inside China, the Communist Party has chosen to brush out the past, or perhaps  more accurately to use the past as a guide to what should be avoided in the future. It is more interested in shaping the future, in particular the future of China’s civil society, in a way that will strengthen CPC rule and prevent the reoccurence of the 1989 movement. Memory is used in the service of keeping alive Xi Jinping’s “China dream” - a dream rooted in the future rather than the past.

The year 2016 could be said to be the year that future starts. It is the Year of Regulation when two national laws regulating the nonprofit, NGO, social organization sector were passed within the space of two months – the Charity Law in April and the Overseas NGO Law in May. These are the most consequential nonprofit laws passed in the history of the PRC.  Before this, you have to go back to the more esoteric Public Welfare Donations Law (PWDL, 公益事业捐赠法) passed in 1998 for a national law regulating the nonprofit, social organization sector. In contrast to the more narrow PWDL, the Charity Law and Overseas NGO Law are more detailed and comprehensive in scope. The former defines the scope of domestic nonprofit, charitable work in China, and regulates the establishment and operation of domestic charitable organizations and the sources and uses of charitable property and services. The Overseas NGO Law regulates the operations and activities of overseas nonprofit, non-governmental organizations and their represenative offices in China.

If these two laws had been the only legislation passed this year, one could still legitimately claim 2016 as the Year of Regulation. But we now have news that there is more on the way. In late May, the Ministry of Civil Affairs issued draft revisions of regulations for registration and management of two of the three types of “social organizations” (the Chinese term for nonprofit organizations): Civil Non-Enterprise Institutions (CNIs, 民办非企业单位) and Foundations (基金会). (Note: These draft revisions are being issued for public comment, so if you are interested in commenting, you can go to the Civil Affairs website here and here to download a copy of the revised regulations.) In the revised regulations, CNIs are now going to be called Social Service Organizations (社会服务机构), which is a more accurate description of this type of nonprofit and in line with the Charity Law which uses the new term instead of CNI. A draft of revised registration and management regulations for the third type – Social Associations (e.g. membership associations, 社会团体) – will most likely follow soon. 

We have been expecting revisions of these three sets of regulations since 2014 and thought they would be out earlier. What we did not expect was for the sequence to be reversed and have the Charity Law and Overseas NGO Law approved first, followed by revisions of these three regulations. If the revisions of the three regulations are all approved this year, then we will have seen passage of almost all the significant nonprofit laws and regulations in the time span of just one year.  This is unprecedented in the history of the PRC. A review of the history of regulation in the nonprofit, social organization sector shows three major peaks of regulation (See the table below). The first peak (in orange) comes in the 1988-89 period with the appearance of three regulations, two of which were issued after the demonstrations in June 1989. The second peak (in yellow) comes in the 1998-2004 period with the appearance of one new regulation, one new national and two revised regulations. The year 2016 (in blue) eclipses both of these peaks, with two comprehensive national laws, and potentially revised regulations on the registration and management of all three types of social organizations.


Year Major Laws and Regulations Governing Social Organizations in China
1988
Regulations on Management of Foundations

1989
Provisional Measures on Management of Foreign Chambers of Commerce

1989
Regulations on Registration and Management of Social Associations

1998
Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Assocaitions (revision of the 1989 regulations)

1998
Provisional Regulations on the Registration and Management of Civil, Non-Enterprise Institutions

1999
Public Welfare Donations Law

2004
Regulations on the Management of Foundations (revision of the 1998 regulations)

2016
Charity Law

2016
Overseas NGO Law

2016?
Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Service Organizations (revision of the 1998 Provisional Regulations on the Registration and Management of Civil, Non-Enterprise Institutions)

2016 ?
Regulations on the Management of Foundations (revision of the 2004 regulations)

2016?
Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Associations (revision of the 1998 regulations)